ISSUES ON ISLAMIC EDUCATION IN THE PHILIPPINES

Mainstreaming the issue of Islamic education in the Philippines will be a major avenue in providing the overall educational requirements for every Filipino Muslims. A qualitative method is applied in this study, which mainly involved analyzing contents. The findings of the study show that Islamic education plays a vital role in peace and development for Muslims-Christians relationship. The study finds out that due to the achievement of peace and development for the country, the government implements Arabic Language and Islamic Values Program (ALIVE) that lead to National Public Holiday, provide equal education, provide opportunity for Muslims scholars and give some advantage to Muslim society in the Philippines. Focus on the issue of Islamic education in the country will create a garden of peace that may lead to respect and harmony.


INTRODUCTION
In the context of Islamization in the Philippines, the madrasah plays a vital instrument. Madrasah is a Muslim school that teaches Arabic and Islamic studies, especially Qur'anic reading and Arabic language. It is looked up to not only as an institution of learning, but also a symbol of Islam. It is regarded as a proper place to acquire knowledge in Arabic language and Islamic religious teachings (Rodriguez 1993).
Islamic education arrived in the southern Philippines with Islam itself sometime in the late 13 th or early 14 th century. Over the next two hundred years, it spread throughout the southern islands of Mindanao and the Sulu Archipelago (Majul 1999). Responses to Muslim Filipinos' long struggle for educational equity remain, for the moment, at the level of policy statements. Their effective implementation faces challenges beyond the usual poverty, inadequate funding and bureaucratic lethargy that hinders most efforts to reform Philippine education. For instance, a key motive behind the century-long policy of integration via education was the threat to national unity inherent in the diversity of Philippine society. This became a national security concern as a result of the Muslim secessionist movement in Mindanao. The majority's insensitivity and outright bias toward Muslim Filipinos caused the policy of integration to be experienced as the attempted de-Islamization, assimilation and subordination of the Muslim minority to the Christian majority. Efforts to Islamize public schools serving Muslim students represents a profound shift from ignoring or actively denigrating Islam to giving it a place of honor in the curriculum comparable to the place it holds in the larger Filipino Muslim community. This is likely to enhance the sense of self-worth and dignity of Muslim children as Muslims. Perhaps more importantly, Islamization policies do not address the curricular silence and bias regarding Muslim Filipinos in the education of the Christian majority. This raises the possibility that, to the extent the policy is effective in strengthening the Islamic identity among Filipino Muslim school children, it may leave untouched, if not exacerbate, the gulf between Filipino Christians and Filipino Muslims that the integration policy was meant to eradicate (Jeffrey Ayala Milligan 2004).
The Islamization of public education in the Philippines represents, in effect, a bet that lowering the wall of separation between mosque and state in the Philippines will create a space in which more moderate Muslim voices can articulate viable educational alternatives to the assimilative, alienating educational practices of the past that have contributed to the conflict in the country. This makes it an experiment worth watching for the insight it may offer into the challenge of providing education to minority Muslim communities in other diverse societies.

IS IMPLEMENTING OF ARABIC LANGUAGE AND ISLAMIC VALUES (ALIVE) PROGRAM CAN BENEFITS THE MUSLIM SOCIETY?
Language policies attempted to replace local dialects with a single lingua franca. In effect, American schooling replaced militant Spanish Catholicism as the weapon of choice in integrating Muslim Filipinos into an emerging Philippine state as a marginalized and subordinated minority stripped of all but a nominal Muslim identity (Milligan 2004). These policies, as well as the underlying conception of Muslim Filipinos as uncivilized, backward, and dangerous passed largely unchanged into subsequent independent governments. They were encoded in textbooks and curricula that virtually erased the history, experiences, customs and religion of Muslim Filipinos. Such policies presented Muslim Filipinos with a stark choice, a choice put rather bluntly in a history of the Commission on National Integration: "In the process of helping them attain a higher degree of civilization, they have to discard some of their traditional values and customs" (Clavel 1969: 71). Tragically, through a combination of unchanging attitudes and bureaucratic inertia, this educational dispensation continued more or less intact into at least the 1980s (Milligan 2004). Unsurprisingly, these policies were met with various forms of resistance. The most obvious form of this resistance has been an armed movement to establish an independent Islamic state in Mindanao. The ensuing conflict has claimed more than 100,000 lives since the early 1970s and earned Mindanao the dubious distinction of being a "front" in the war on terrorism (Vitug & Gloria, 2000;Abuza, 2003). But resistance has taken educational forms as well. The parallel system of formal and informal Islamic education that had existed in Muslim Mindanao for centuries continued right through the 20 th century. By the 1950s, however, larger and better-organized schools patterned on Arab models had begun to emerge in several cities in Muslim Mindanao. As the secessionist movement gained momentum in the early 1970s the numbers of madaris grew rapidly to well over 1,000 in the western provinces of Mindanao (Boransing et. al. 1987).
Some of these schools received international support from the Middle East, most were supported by the tuition of Muslim families, one of the poorest populations of an already poor nation. Finding no support for their distinct cultural and religious identities in the public schools, many Muslim families sent their children to the madaris (exclusively or at least on weekends) in order to sustain their Islamic identity. These religious schools, however, offered little in the way of social and economic mobility within the larger Philippine society. Muslim Filipino children thus attended school seven days a week and tried to negotiate as many as five separate languages in an often futile attempt to secure a future as both Filipino citizens and Muslims. By the mid-1990s private madaris that attempted to integrate government authorized curricula and Islamic curricula emerged to fill the need that public schools had long neglected. Thus the parallel system of Islamic education strengthened from the 1980s forward. This history of conflict and forced integration into a social mainstream shaped by centuries of anti-Muslim bias and a clearly western, Christian-oriented conception of modernity is the backdrop against which current efforts to Islamize education in Mindanao must be understood.
From the beginning of the 20 th century, the cornerstone of Philippine educational policy for its Muslim minority was integration. The underlying assumption of this policy was that the dichotomization of Philippine society between Muslims and Christians was an unfortunate legacy of Spanish colonization. This mistrust was no longer justified in a postcolonial state in which everyone was an equal citizen. It was largely perpetuated, however, by the backwardness and ignorance of the Muslims. The integration policy assumed that a unified curriculum, common textbooks and unified policies, combined with efforts to increase Muslim Filipinos' access to secular public education, would gradually resolve Muslim-Christian tensions. From the early 1950s on this resulted in efforts to expand secular public schools and establish a government university in the Muslim regions (Isidro 1979). At about the same time, the government created the Commission on National Integration, an agency intended to provide a broad range of development assistance but which put most of its efforts into the provision of college scholarships for Muslim youth (Clavel 1969).
A highly centralized national department of education administered these policies. These efforts failed, however, to head off the eruption of the armed secessionist movement in the early 1970s. Many of the CNI scholarship recipients never finished their education (Clavel, 1969). Some of those who did, such as Moro National Liberation Front chairman Nur Misuari, turned up as leaders in the secessionist movement (Majul 1999;Vitug & Gloria 2000). The overthrow of the Marcos dictatorship and reinstitution of elite democracy in 1986 created a political rupture within which new possibilities for Muslim Filipinos began to take shape. The new administration of Corazon Aquino, which saw lingering communist and Islamist insurgencies as artefacts of the Marcos dictatorship, was sympathetic to Muslims' claims of oppression and relatively willing to acknowledge the historical legacy of Christian Filipinos' biases in furthering that oppression. While this new openness did not go so far as to interrogate the extent to which new policies perpetuated those biases, it did create a climate in which decentralization and local autonomy could be seriously entertained as viable political responses to the conflict (Brilliantes 1987;Tanggol 1990;Ocampo 1991).
This new climate led to the creation of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao in 1990. The act creating the ARMM charged its regional government with the creation and maintenance of a public educational system that would teach "the rights and duties of citizenship and the cultures of the Muslims, Christians and tribal peoples in the region to develop, promote and enhance unity in diversity". It also went on to require Arabic language instruction for Muslim children, to require schools to "develop consciousness and appreciation of one's ethnic identity," and to give the autonomous government the power to regulate the madaris. Responsibility for the educational measures delineated in the Act was devolved to a Regional Department of Education, Culture and Sports in 1991. Thus, by the mid-1990s the legal and policy frameworks were in place to, theoretically, allow Muslim Filipinos to determine the content and direction of their education for the first time since losing their independence to the U.S. at the beginning of the century. Muslim Filipino educators quickly seized upon this new freedom to Islamize education in the ARMM (Tamano 1996).
Their efforts led to two new initiatives in ARMM educational policy, initiatives that are also supported by the national Department of Education for Muslim children residing outside the region (Mutilan 2003). The first of these initiatives involves the Islamization of public education in the region. Though the geographic concentration of Muslims in western Mindanao and the growth in the numbers of Muslim schoolteachers since the 1970s has meant that many Muslim children attend majority Muslim schools taught by Muslims and located in Muslim communities, the centralization of policy making in Manila ensured that curricula did not reflect, and at times conflicted with, local values (Bula 1989;Pascual-Lambert 1997;Rodil 2000).
Ever since the introduction of government education under the American colonial regime, Islamic education, though respected and supported within the Filipino Muslim community, represented a social and economic dead end for Muslims as citizens of the Philippine state. The vast majority of madaris focused almost exclusively on religious instruction, thus students who attended them did not receive instruction in those subjects that would enable them to attend universities or compete for positions in the larger society. Even those madaris that did offer such instruction were often not recognized by the government or were of such poor quality that their graduates were equally handicapped. Thus graduates of the madaris, some of whom do go on to receive an advanced Islamic education in the Middle East, are employable only as poorly paid teachers in Islamic schools. This contributes to a sense of exclusion, frustration and discrimination that has radicalized many.
The aim of madrasah integration, therefore, is to encourage and support madaris to expand their curricula to include subject matter taught in the public schools. This would enable those integrated madaris to seek government recognition and thus be eligible for limited public support under the Fund for Assistance to Private Education. It would also, theoretically, afford those students who choose a madrasah education a measure of social mobility through the acquisition of knowledge and skills necessary to transfer to public schools, attend government universities, or to seek employment in the national economy. In effect, these reforms aim to integrate what for centuries have been two separate systems of education: government education and Islamic education. Thus the century-long search for an approach to education that would enhance the prospects of peace between Muslims and Christians has shifted from the long-held faith in secularization to Islamization (Saligoin 1997;Abdullah 2003;Ghazi 2003;Boransing 2003). This shift reflects and is reflected by a corresponding intensification of Islamic identity in the broader Filipino Muslim community (Milligan, 2003).
In order to mainstream Islamic education in the Philippine educational sector, the Philippine government through the Department of Education, issued Department Order 51 in 2004 to purposely integrate Arabic language and Islamic Values (ALIVE) in many public schools within the country. Since 2004, many public schools have offered Arabic language and Islamic values after conducting a comprehensive mapping of public schools with a substantial number of Muslim students. As the Department Order has been implemented since 2004, many public school teachers are trained and equipped to be able to teach Arabic language education in their classrooms. Many Arabic teachers who passed the Licensure Examinations for Teachers have begun working with the Department of Education and the formal educational sector. However, there are policy gaps that have to be fully addressed to make a positive impact on both the desire of the state to integrate Islamic education and the expectations of many Muslim students (Wendell Glenn Cagape 2007).
Paving another way for building peace and friendship relation between Muslim and Christian in Cordillera Administrative Region specifically in the Department of Education (DepEd) project which is the implementation of Arabic Language and Islamic Values Education (ALIVE) program, an avenue to communicate with Muslim brothers. It is a mechanism of providing education for the unreached children that is meaningful, relevant and culture sensitive for Muslim societies (Nene Astudilla C. Godoy, et. al. 2008).
ALIVE program is one of the avenues for peace-building between Muslims and Christians ethnic. National unity people in the Philippines and inter-cultural solidarity are the main objectives to keep country have a peaceful life. The inclusion of ALIVE program in the public system started in 2005 (Juliet Sannad 2015). Indeed, like other Filipino citizen, Muslims have the intellectual and educational right and capacity to participate actively in the social, economic and political endeavours in the Republic of the Philippines.
Former President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo has announced that the integration of the madrasah system into the mainstream education curriculum will be a major avenue in providing the overall educational requirements of Filipino Muslims, particularly in the armed conflict affected areas in Mindanao with special focus in the Special Zone of Peace and Development areas (Macapagal-Arroyo 2002). Below are some of the impacts of implementation of ALIVE Program in the government schools in the Philippines.

ALIVE PROGRAM ACTIVITIES BROUGHT CHANGES TO NATIONAL PUBLIC HOLIDAYS
Integration of ALIVE program results from a gradual advocacy of the ALIVE program to the level of appreciation, understanding and acceptance by the whole community excluding ethnics, religion and culture. Maulid-un-Nabi (birthday of the Prophet Muhammad, which falls on the twelfth day of the third lunar month of Rabi-ul-Awwal); c.
Lailatul Isra Wal Mi'raj (Nocturnal Journey and Ascencion of the Prophet Muhammad), which fall on the twentyseventh day of the seventh lunar month of Rajab); d.
Id-ul-Fitr (Hari Raya Puasa, which falls on the first day of the tenth lunar month of Shawwal, commemorating the end of the fasting season); and e.
Id-ul-Adha (Hari Raya Haji, which falls on the tenth day of the twelfth lunar month of Dhul-Hijja).
All DepEd offices are directed to comply with the above mentioned law, to allow Muslim officials and employees of DepEd to observe the Muslim Holidays without reduction in their usual compensation.

ALIVE PROGRAM PROVIDE EQUAL BASIC ISLAMIC EDUCATION
Applicable to the government educational policy of the Philippines, right of every child to education. All children as right holders must be given quality education opportunity irrespective of their race, color, religion or culture (Nene Astudilla C. Godoy, et. al. 2008: 5). In this reason, DepEd implemented ALIVE program to make the Muslim children knowledgeable of their religion (especially Islamic values) and the language of the Holy Qur'an which is Arabic language (Juliet Sannad 2015). The teaching of Arabic as a second language in the Muslim areas of the Philippines is not only impliedly recognized by the provision of the new Constitution of the Philippines (Article 15 Sec 3), but it is also premised on the following statement of the late President Ferdinand E. Marcos, as follows (Ahmad Mohammad Hassoubah 1981): …and so long as the Filipino people have faith and trust in me, so long as I am President of this Republic, I shall see to it that our Muslim brothers are offered all the opportunities to serve the nation so that they truly become part of the national community; that this government shall serve them with the same enthusiasm, vigor and zeal as it has in serving the rest of the Filipino Citizenry; that their culture, their heritage and their religion which is Islam, shall forever be part of the Filipino contribution toward culture and civilization.
Philippine education is defined in the 1987 Constitution, the Education Act of 1982 or Batas Pambansa Blg. 232, the Governance of Basic Education Act of 2001 and Basic Education Curriculum. The 1987 Constitution details the basis state policies on education. Article XIV, Section 1. The State shall protect and promote the right of all citizens to quality education at all levels and shall take appropriate steps to make such education accessible to all. Article XIV, Section 2 (1). The State shall establish, maintain and support a complete, adequate and integrated system of education relevant to the needs of people and society. Article XIV, Section 2 (4). The State shall encourage nonformal, informal, and indigenous learning systems, as well as selflearning, independent and out of school study programs particularly those that respond to community needs. Article XIV, Section 3 (2). The school shall inculcate patriotism and nationalism, foster love of humanity, respect for human rights, appreciation of the role of national heroes in the historical development of the country, teach the rights and duties of citizenship, strengthen ethical and spiritual values, develop moral character and personal discipline, encourage critical and creative thinking, broaden scientific and technological knowledge, and promote vocational efficiency.
However, The Governance of Basic Education Act of 2001 main objective are (i) to develop the Filipino learners by providing them basic competencies in literacy and numeracy, critical and learning skills, and desirable values to become caring, self-reliant, productive, socially aware, patriotic and responsible citizens; (ii) Curriculum Vision: Promote the holistic growth of the Filipino learners and enable them to acquire the core competencies and develop the proper values. This curriculum shall be flexible to meet the learning needs of a diverse studentry, and is relevant to their immediate environment and social and cultural realities. 8 2002 Basic Education Curriculum for formal basic education (i) provide basic quality education that is equitably accessible to all, and to lay the foundation for lifelong learning and service to the common good (ii) to empower learners to attain functional literacy and life skills so that they become self-developed persons who are makabayan (patriotic), makatao (mindful or humanity), makakalikasan (respectful of nature) and maka-Diyos (godly); also (iii) to develop in learners a reflective understanding and internalization of principles and values and their multiple intelligences.
Late The Philippines are not ours to exploit, but to develop, to civilize, to educate, to train in the science of selfgovernment. This is the path we must follow or be recreant to a mighty trust committed to us.
In relation with the above statement, ALIVE program rationale for Muslim Basic Education is an interest of the country to support quality education for Muslims because poor Muslims will be a problem for the government. The Muslims have become a problem because of failure of education which in turn has caused them to lag behind other Filipinos in terms of access to and equality in development (Boransing 2006). In addition to that, Arsad (2007) believed that attainment of peace for the whole country in the Philippines is a crucial basis for Madrasah mainstreaming. However, the knowledge, skills and attitudes framework of the DepEd-Madrasah curriculum is influenced by both Philippine and Islamic educational standards, though the level of influence of each may vary.
Abdulhamid Abu Sulayman (1981) presents the fundamental principles of Islam that shape the framework of Islamic thought, methodology and way of life, namely: i.
Unity of Allah SWT. It is the foremost principle of Islam which espouses God's absoluteness in all aspects. From god descend all truth. He possesses all encompassing knowledge, power to create and command everything in the heavens and the earth, and to make manifest His will at all times. ii.
Unity of creation. Creation is one comprehensive whole in an order that is both complex and complete. Everything is created in exact measure, each with a specific nature and design and created for a specific purpose. The entire creation is interrelated and interdependent. iii.
Unity of truth and unity of knowledge. Revelation, which believes as infallible truth, serves as a beacon and guide-the ultimate tool with which to quality or confirm all forms of knowledge encountered. iv.
Unity of life. God created man to worship Him alone and serve His good pleasure. The advantages of conforming to this reason for existence are realized in the process. The same may be said of the disadvantage attending to the non fulfillment of this purpose. God has also entrusted man with vicegerency (khalifah) in this world, creating him in the best of natures and endowing him with the faculties to exercise his personal will and responsibility over other creations. Unity also means that there is no separation between the spiritual and secular aspects of human life. Revelation in fact relates to all facets of living and is explicit in the manner it regulates human affairs. v.
Unity of humanity. Human beings are all created equal from the same mould. Circumstances of birth, race, culture, society and ability do not in any way affect this equality. Islam is universal, embracing all of humanity in this regard. vi.
The complementary nature of revelation and reason. With the gift of reason, man is enabled to learn about the world around him. His faculties likewise enable him to act on his needs as well as responsibilities as a vicegerent. On the other hand, Divine revelation guides man to know Allah as well as appreciate his ordained purpose. From revelation, man likewise learns how he may best fulfill his purpose. The relationship of reason and revelation is such that reason supports revelation as it inadvertently does time and again, in relation to the Quran. Meanwhile, revelation tempers reason. Both revelation and reason are sources of Islamic thought and there are no perceived contradictions between them.
To achieve the goal and ensure the interaction between Philippine and Islamic education will be enabled in a way that will cure educational dichotomy, empowering learners to be participative in the bigger society. Four core values underpin the philosophical framework of the multicultural curriculum model developed by Bennett (2003). These are: i.
Acceptance and appreciation of cultural diversity. This principle advocates that coexistence among all people and beings is important. Learners will welcome diversity and seek commonalities among themselves. They will learn the value of understanding different perspectives in the process of working together towards the common good. The culture of open-minded inquiry and mutual respect will be propagated in the school setting. Contexts and situations of all learners will be taken into account to inform the scheme of education that best suits them contextual learning will be the norm. ii.
Respect for human dignity and universal human rights. This principle advocates the absence of prejudice or discrimination. Learners will appreciate that all human beings should be able to enjoy rights, privileges and opportunities as equals. They will be trained to live and propagate this principle among themselves. iii.
Responsibility to the world community. People should be equally enabled to act on their situations and circumstances to improve their lives and the world they live in. Learners will be trained in positive social action to achieve gains not just for themselves but more importantly, for the community. iv.
Reverence for the earth. This principle stems from the belief in the interdependence of everything in the universe. It views the world and its inhabitants as one big community, connected and interdependent despite differing contexts, cultures and persuasions. Learners will be trained in this perspective. They will learn that each and every being has a place in the universal web, contributing to and affected by the continual ebb and flow of life on earth. A collective consciousness will thus be developed in learners.

ALIVE PROGRAM PROVIDE JOB OPPORTUNITY FOR MUSLIMS SCHOLARS
The selection and recruitment of teachers in the ALIVE program must be in consonance with the guidelines set by the DepEd, re DepEd Order No. 54, s. 2006 on Revised Hiring Guidelines for Teacher I position in Public Elementary and Secondary Schools. The ALIVE program however is new and with special features thus additional criteria for the recruitment and selection of ALIVE teachers have been set to ensure quality implementation of the program. The recruitment of ALIVE teachers should have educational qualification as well as the potential of applicants vying to teach in the ALIVE Program (Nene Astudilla C. Godoy, et. al. 2008: 22-24).
Assigning of ALIVE selected teachers to organize and manage ALIVE classes in specific public schools, after undergoing the training processes. It determines the number of asatidz to be deployed, the results of the school mapping and needs analysis and a number of issues have to be considered; number of Muslim students enrolled, student-teacher ratio should be 15:1 in non-Muslim areas and availability of alternative funding sources. Deployment does not end with the placement of the ALIVE teachers in the public schools but it follows by sustained teacher instructional support and monitoring and evaluation system.  Godoy, et. al. 2008: 34-37).
When an asatidz will be a Licensure Examination for Teachers passer after the 2-Year Accelerated Teacher Education Program, can be employed as regular teacher to handle Arabic Language and Islamic Values Education and some additional subjects and will be receiving the salary of a Teacher I position.
Hence, ALIVE Program was already implemented here are some benefits for the Muslims learners. First, integration of Islamic subjects into the secular curriculum is a good concept which opens a knowledgeable discussion. Second, the integrated Islamic knowledge has the potential to address Muslim children's educational needs. Third, the integrated school has activities like foundation week and sadaqa (charity) giving. Fourth, teachers are professionally qualified, thus mode of teaching is better. Fifth, it will be able to educate basic Islamic knowledge for every Muslim child. Lastly, Arabic and Islamic studies are incorporated into the curriculum so at least it could address the needs of Muslim students who could not attend the weekend madrasah (Arsad 2007). Not only for that, non-Muslim pupils are allowed to attend ALIVE classes but have a written consent from their parents (Nene Astudilla C. Godoy, et. al. 2008).

ADVANTAGE OF ALIVE PROGRAM TO THE MUSLIM SOCIETY IN THE PHILIPPINES
One of the advantages of ALIVE Program to the Muslim society in the Philippines will bring to a much closer between Arab-Filipinos relationship. The demand of the Arab countries for Filipino laborers as well as professionals have steadily expanded and will doubtless pave the way for continuous socio-economic and cultural linkages between the Philippines and the Arab nation to the mutual benefit of all concerned (Hassoubah 1981:41).
Putting first the needs of others above individual interest, sincere desire to do what is right, and people will put great trust without any doubt. Thus, implementation of ALIVE program in the public schools may create a garden of peace, each gardener plant the seeds of faith, respect and harmony, and they also cut the weeds of ignorance, intolerance and violence.

CONCLUSION
The impact of this Islamization can be proved through the existence of madrasah (Islamic school), implementation of Arabic Language and Islamic Values program in every public school throughout the country. Also, changing of national public holiday which involve Islamic holidays. Next, provide equal basic education to the Muslim society which is stated in Article XIV, Section 1. Also, provide job opportunity for Muslims scholars and so on.